Death of Fianna Fáil

Was 2011 the beginning of the end for Fianna Fáil?

All gone now. Is the party itself to follow.

Since Fianna Fáil first entered Government in 1932 it has been the largest political party in Ireland. That is until the General Election of 2011, when it became the third largest party and was nearly beaten into fourth place by Sinn Féin.

Since the foundation of the modern Irish state in 1922, Fianna Fáil has been in power for a total of 61 years. However, the unthinkable now seems possible that Fianna Fáil may never be in power again. The scale of the defeat in 2011 was so enormous and the negative feeling towards them so profound that the road to recovery could prove to be impossible. Having said that very few political commentators see that as a likelihood, yet.

Fianna Fáil has always been a party of the Grassroots, organising itself at local level in every Irish townland and parish. The legendary cumainn structure of local branches has sustained Fianna Fáil throughout its history. Many of these local groups are now dysfunctional or defunct. Fianna Fáil has also seen its local authority representation shrink from 382 to 302 and to 218 in recent council elections. Any further slippage in that figure could prove to be fatal.

The reasons for Fianna Fáil’s fall from grace are many. Its links to a declining catholic church have chipped away at its power base. Internal conflicts between its various different factions have caused division within. Various tribunals linking senior Fianna Fáil politicians with corruption have been enormously damaging. The final straw for the public though was its handling of the economic collapse following the Celtic Tiger era that came to an abrupt halt in 2007. The near collapse of the banks was followed by a series of austere budgets and by the arrival of the Troika (the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank and the European Commission) who were called in to bail out Ireland financially.

During this time the house building industry collapsed and this led to rapidly rising unemployment, a massive budget deficit, a collapse in tax revenue and a meltdown in business confidence. The Fianna Fáil organisation has suffered badly as it has seen its own income dry up to a much greater extent than the country at large. With its loss of power and influence, many of its former financial backers have turned their backs on Fianna Fáil. The days of the Galway tent have gone forever.

Fianna Fáil who traditionally relied on the civil service to provide it with key policies in the areas of finance, health, education, etc. no longer has full access to this information. Its longest spell out of power since 1932 was just over 4 years. Now it faces a prolonged spell in opposition. It will be interesting to see how the party handles this.

The other major difficulty faced by Fianna Fáil is that it currently has no elected TD’s in Dublin. A few years ago, almost all political commentators would have laughed at this suggestion. Now Irelands’ capital city has no senior public representatives from Fianna Fáil for the first time since they came to power.

Fianna Fáil can of course come back. It is quite possible that it will regain a considerable amount of the ground it has lost very quickly. As the present Fine Gael/Labour government inevitably becomes less and less popular due to the chronic lack of money in the country and the necessity to pile on the pain to keep the public finances in order, Fianna Fáil may be able to position itself as the only credible alternative. This very much depends on a few things including;

1. How Sinn Féin manages itself over the coming years.
2. Whether Fianna Fáil can avoid internal conflict.
3. Whether new political alignments can emerge.
4. A good local election result in 2014.
5. How the economic situation develops to minimise the unpopularity of Fine Gael and Labour.
6. Can Fianna Fáil put the scandals and failures of the past behind them?
7. Do the Irish public really want Fianna Fáil to re-emerge?

As already discussed, it is also possible that the party founded by Eamon de Valera in 1926 may cease to exist. This will depend on some of the following;

1.       Internal conflict within Fianna Fáil.

2.       Success by the present Government in turning around the economy and creating employment.

3.       A more viable opposition than Fianna Fáil emerging.

4.       The public continuing to blame Fianna Fáil for wrecking the economy.

5.       Failure to raise sufficient funds to mount credible election campaigns.

6.       Further erosion of its support base at a local level.

7.       Failure to get back into Government before 2020.

Despite the huge role that Fianna Fáil has played in the development of the Irish state, there are now very many people in Ireland who would be delighted to see them disappear. The strength of this sentiment is clearly far greater than for any other Irish political party. However, there are families in Ireland who still see Fianna Fáil as part of their very makeup. While they still have a fairly solid support base, they must avoid the dangers of Myopia if they are to avoid the fate of John Redmond and the Irish Party who were routed by Sinn Féin in 1918. 

Death of the Greens

The Greens leaving Government

The Greens are the only organically grown political party in Ireland since the early days of statehood to gain enough seats to participate in Government. Unlike the PD’s who were a breakaway group from other Irish parties, their political affiliation is to European politics. Ironically the Irish Greens came to prominence as a result of their opposition to EU treaties such as Amsterdam and Nice.

In 2007 the Greens entered a Government cobbled together by Bertie Ahern in coalition with Fianna Fáil and the PD’s. The new Green party leader John Gormley had launched a stinging attack on Bertie Ahern before the election in a speech entitled “Planet Bertie”. He had also been very critical of PD leader Michael McDowell in the run up to that election.

The Greens are not seen to have achieved any major success in Government other than the implementation of new taxes such as the carbon tax. Headline opposition to campaigns such as Shannon, Rossport and Tara went by the wayside as did their opposition to EU treaties. The most disappointing aspect of the Greens involvement in Government was the failure to achieve any significant political reform. Projects such as the directly elected Mayor of Dublin and the proposed banning of corporate donations were not carried through.

Some would say that rumours of the demise of the Greens in Ireland are greatly exaggerated as the party is still in existence. However, with all national representatives turfed out by the public in the 2011 general election and the failure of the party to reach the 2% funding target, it will be a long road back. The other problem faced by the Greens is the evaporation of goodwill towards them as they have been blamed along with Fianna Fáil for the economic meltdown that led to Ireland being bailed out by the International Monetary Fund.

The primary reason for the demise of the Greens is that popularity gained as a result of opposition to previous Fianna Fáil and PD governments, to political corruption and to EU referendums is now no longer valid. If the Greens are to rise like a phoenix from the ashes, they will have to completely reinvent themselves.

The political reform agenda espoused by the Greens is still hugely relevant as is the core green agenda relating to protection of the environment and sustainable living. However, there is a very real question as to whether direct involvement in politics is the best way to further these aims.

While the green agenda is not myopic it is not part of mainstream political thinking either. To paraphrase Michael McDowell, the Greens will have to become radical or remain redundant.

Death of the Progressive Democrats

PD leaders, past and past.

The Progressive Democrats were born in 1985 as a result of an on-going feud in Ireland’s largest political party at the time, Fianna Fáil. They were declared officially dead in 2009 after nearly a quarter century as a political party.

The feud was between Dessie O’Malley and Charlie Haughey the leader of Fianna Fáil at the time. Dessie O’Malley founded the PD’s as an ideological party. They believed that Ireland should be more financially liberal and operate with more integrity than Fianna Fáil as led by Haughey. Even though they had some defectors from Fine Gael, the vast majority of the people involved in the new PD party were ex Fianna Failers.

Their main policy planks were privatisation and lower taxes, similar to the policy platform of Margaret Thatcher and the British Conservative party. Dessie O’Malley made many significant speeches over the years. Two of his most noteworthy speeches marked huge compromises. The first was in praise of Charlie Haughey after the PD’s decided to go into coalition with their arch enemies Fianna Fáil. His second was his exaltation of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein when he met him as Minister for Industry and Commerce. They discussed the scheme of export credits to enable beef baron Larry Goodman export large amounts of Irish beef to Iraq. This issue eventually led to Dublin Castle and the so-called beef tribunal which was perhaps a success for the  PD’s.

In the more recent past the PD’s under Mary Harney and Michael McDowell played a huge role in fuelling Ireland’s housing boom. Their philosophy of swapping funds from unpopular income and corporation tax for unsustainable tax revenues generated by the building boom has left a massive black hole in Ireland’s public finances. McDowell who was the last real leader of the PD’s fell on his own sword. His phrase, ‘be radical or redundant’ came back to haunt him as the housing boom ended and the PD’s brand of  politics finally lost its radical veneer.

The key lesson to be learned from the rise and fall of the PD’s is that there is a clear market for a liberal agenda in Irish politics. Their early success clearly demonstrated that, but as they went in a more neo-liberal direction, their popularity waned.

The main reason for the ultimate death of the PD’s is that in the public mind they became indistinguishable from Fianna Fáil, the party they were set up to oppose. Internal battles and sustained attacks in the media by the larger parties, eventually led to fragmentation and electoral defeat. Ironically, many of the politicians who were involved in the PD’s have now been re-elected wearing different hats.

  

Their lasting legacy is that they were the political architects of the major boom and bust cycle formerly known as the Celtic Tiger and latterly known as the Celtic Pussycat. Their introduction of light touch regulation has left Ireland badly exposed in the current political and economic climate. However, to blame the PD’s alone would be grossly unfair. Both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael were also guilty of embracing and facilitating many of their policies. In the current political analysis the  PD’s are largely being ignored. How they will be judged by history, only time will tell. 

Coming soon to Myopia

A three part series with analysis on the death and impending death of the political parties that elected Bertie Ahern as Taoiseach in 2007.

Part 1. Death of the PD's.

Part 2. Death of the Greens.

Part 3. Death of Fianna Fáil. 

Corruption after Mahon

Reconstruction of a Dublin County Council meeting circa 1997

The Mahon Tribunal, originally set up in 1997 by the Fianna Fail Minister for the Environment Noel Dempsey has finally reported 15 years later. It was set up following an offer of a reward of £10,000 by the chairman of An Taisce Michael Smith for information relating to planning corruption. It is likely to end up costing us more than €250million.

Listening to some political journalists, commentators and politicians today describing the report as shocking is nothing short of a farce. Any serious person or organisation involved in public life who claims to find the report shocking is clearly doing it for dramatic effect because there is nothing particularly new or shocking in the report. This mock outrage itself is part of the problem.

After 15 years the planning system has not substantially changed nor will it, without a change of attitude by Irish people. At local authority level, dodgy rezonings are still taking place and rumours of bungs to councillors are still commonplace. In my experience, there are always some councillors who are inherently corrupt and others who are effectively corrupt. It is important to note that there are others who are neither.

To point the finger at former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and Fianna Fail while correct at one level misses the point that it requires a majority of councillors on any local authority for corruption to succeed. Simple maths will show that there are others besides Fianna Fail involved. It also misses the point that all the watchdogs are failing to do their jobs properly. This particularly applies to the media, the judiciary and the police. An investigation into the properties bought and sold during the recent boom by media people, legal people and police people would prove to be extremely interesting.

The Mahon report said that corruption affected every level of Irish political life. Yes, we all know that and so do the dogs in the street. The important question from this very lengthy and very expensive report is; will anything change for the better as a result of it? It will of course. The level of awareness of corruption has increased. That in itself is a change. However, to what extent will corruption continue to be tolerated in Ireland? None of us can be sure of the answer to that.

Many people in Ireland put pressure on politicians to help them circumvent the rules. That is corruption. In some parts of Ireland, the first thing a young couple does when they want to set up a new home is to go and see a local politician to organise planning, rezoning or a social house for them. Just because everybody does it, does not mean it is anything other than corrupt.

In all probability there will always be a certain level of corruption in public life just as there will always be a certain level of crime in society. However, under no circumstances should corruption ever be tolerated or indeed become part of the system itself. The financial chaos that Ireland finds itself in today can be directly linked to planning corruption in public life. If, after the publication of the Mahon report our society continues to tolerate corruption then we are a truly myopic society. Therefore it is crucial that people stop voting for clearly corrupt politicians.

The attitude of the state to special needs is utterly Myopic

President Higgins at NUI Galway

A recent article in the Examiner by Dr Tony Humphries entitled Core Connection was the last straw for so many parents of Autistic children in Ireland. The article maintained that “the adults they researched live predominantly in their heads and possess few or no heart qualities”. His article effectively said that autism was caused by a lack of love from the parents. His article was systematically discredited by parents, journalists and experts alike. However, his attitude is not unique. While it flies in the face of the reality for families with special needs children it is a view shared by some of those in key decision making positions. “Blame the parents”, is their mantra.

Parents of children with special needs face an incredible uphill struggle in Ireland. The principle of early intervention is a sound one. It has two main benefits. When children are treated at an early stage of development, many potential difficulties can be bypassed. For example, speech therapy is more effective, the earlier it starts. Secondly, costly institutional care can be avoided if a child with special needs gains crucial self-reliance skills at an early age.

Unfortunately early intervention is far from a reality in Ireland and it is really only available to people who happen to have a bit of spare cash. The state system of diagnosis is horrifically slow, with waiting lists at every turn. So the only easy way to get an early diagnosis is by getting it privately. Even with a diagnosis, services are very hard to get.

The argument for early intervention holds little sway with the department of finance because long-term savings are never valued to the same extent as short-term ones.

Parents of special needs children need far more care and attention than other parents. What they actually get is the opposite. They face a constant battle for rights that don’t really exist, an endless entanglement in red tape and constant pressure to fundraise for services which should be provided by the state but are actually provided by charities.

Over the years many parents have gone to court in order to get the required services for their children. The reality is that the state does not provide adequate services for special needs children and their families. Rather than proactively helping parents along their difficult paths, endless blockages are put in their way. People who get carers allowance are constantly being asked to justify themselves and fill in forms. Surely this could be done through the schools and other institutions involved rather than the constant harassment of parents.

The Education for Persons with Special Educational Needs (EPSEN) Act 2004, states that “a child with special educational needs shall be educated in an inclusive environment with children who do not have such needs”. It also talks about “inclusion” rather than “exclusion” and contains many other progressive measures. However, most of the provisions outlined in the Act have not been implemented. Recent budgetary cutbacks have certainly not improved things but are perhaps used as an excuse.

The reluctance to fully implement the EPSEN Act is myopic. The long term social and financial benefits of early intervention are clear. We need a way to ensure that long term benefits can over-ride short-term financial considerations. It really shouldn’t be that difficult to achieve.

Must the Irish always emigrate to succeed?

Bono and Bob Geldof

Emigration from Ireland is far from a new phenomenon. It has been common for as long as anyone can remember. The number of emigrants has ebbed and flowed but emigration is now very much part of our social and political systems.

From the Flight of the Earls in 1607 to the Flight of the Wild Geese in 1691 through to the Potato Famine and the Young Irelanders rebellion of 1848 the brightest and best Irish people have always felt the need to emigrate.

The success of Irish emigrants abroad is the stuff of legend. Notable examples would include Thomas Francis Meaghar, the Kennedy Family, Admiral William Brown and Oscar Wilde.

Unfortunately the success of Irish people at home is not quite so legendary. In more recent times, people such as Bono and Bob Geldof have hit the headlines for all the right reasons. In both cases they had to go abroad before they were fully recognised in Ireland. Indeed another notable emigrant James Joyce is famous for saying “Ireland is the old sow that eats her farrow”.

At the moment, large numbers of Irish people are once again heading for the boats and the planes. Foreign recruitment fairs are totally oversubscribed and yet there is a commonly held view in Ireland that other countries cannot provide a better life for Irish people. Any rational examination of the economic and social indicators will give a lie to that. For example the unemployment rate in Ireland is 14.8% while the UK rate is 8.4%.

From those I know who have gone or are planning to go abroad, many people want to leave Ireland simply because they are disgusted with the political leadership of the country and they want to get the hell out. Irish entrepreneurs are leaving Ireland in their droves. It is currently very hard to set up a successful business in Ireland. Without foreign entrepreneurs and inward investment Ireland would now probably be considered a third world country. There is an urban myth of an Irish businessman who got nowhere with any of the Irish agencies until he registered his company in Boston and pretended to be an American. If it were true he probably would have just moved to Boston.

If our brightest and best always leave when the going gets tough, then mediocrity will always prevail. Our political system tends to favour political dynasties who are good at attending funerals rather than people who have any real leadership skills. Those with talent who emigrate tend to make it easy for those who wish to perpetuate the system of “it’s not what you know, it’s who you know…” that has bedevilled Irish public life for generations.

Surely we must start to value our brightest and best and to hell with the begrudgers. Will we ever learn to value Irish people in Ireland or must Myopia always prevail?